From Graphic Violence to Graphic Novel: Engaging Art as Public Pedagogy to Disarm Public Mass Gun Violence
Within the country of Saudi Arabia, all early childhood education (ECE) teachers in both public and private schools are female. Despite this demographic fact, there has been little academic study into their professional journeys, challenges, and ambitions. This study brings the voices of these women forward. Through the methodological technique of “portrait” based narrative inquiry inspired by cultural anthropologist Mary Catherine Bateson, and building on the framework of Urie Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory, this study explores how six female educators working in Saudi Arabia's ECE have entered the field and negotiated their professional journeys throughout the years.In this study I argue that the narratives composed from the six women I interviewed illustrate the complexities and contradictions that underpin Saudi Arabian ECE. The study reveals the overwhelming influence of patriarchal norms, policies, and practices in Saudi Arabia and how they intersect to shape the capacity of women educators to bring about social change, as well as a restating of what it means to be a Saudi Arabian citizen, as daughters, siblings, wives, mothers, and educators. These narratives challenge the perception of Saudi Arabian ECE as an environment filled with apathetic teachers who are completely dominated by patriarchal systems and unable or unwilling to engage productively in discussions of reform. At the same time, these narratives offer a window into the world of subordinated women and the marginalization of their pedagogical thought, particularly in an educational system that is frequently trapped in centralized policies and where professional opportunity and upward mobility for women are often limited. The implications of these findings for our understanding of the prospects and contributions of ECE in Saudi Arabia are subsequently examined.
This mixed methods study examined the teaching perspectives of 14 teachers and how they constructed their understanding of teaching. During the 2012-2013 school year interviews and an online survey were administered to these 14 teachers employed in two school districts and one private school in British Columbia. The teachers varied in terms of gender, years of experience and levels of grades taught. The study was conducted in two phases: a Teaching Perspectives Inventory (TPI) survey was followed by interviews. The TPI results described the dominant teaching perspectives of each teacher as transmission, apprenticeship, developmental, nurturing or social reform. The interview data then helped explore teachers' personal, educational and teaching experiences and the way they shaped those dominant teaching perspectives. The research was conceptualized and guided by a constructivist approach. Social reality is created by individuals to explain their experiences and is influenced by what an individual brings to such experiences. Conceptual lenses interpret what you see. The study was framed by the dimensions of examining teaching as a process of expertise, of interdependence, judgment and the self-expression needs of teachers. Study findings highlighted the multifaceted problem solving contextual nature of teaching in shaping understanding as an improvisational experience towards ideals that may change over time. Such experiences ultimately favored collegially centered relationships with co-constructed learning support opportunities with other trusted educators. The identity or understanding of what is good teaching is not fixed over time and developing awareness is a matter of reflexive practice and accumulating experience. Teaching is not simple acts of productivity but productive acts of thinking to celebrate both emotional and intellectual ends.
The scholarly literature has emphasized the strong humanistic tradition thatcharacterizes the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization(UNESCO). This study, which draws on archival research and interviews, traces theorigins, features and shifts of UNESCO’s educational humanism from the creation of theorganization in 1945 to the present day, with a particular focus on the concept of lifelonglearning. I argue that the tensions between the humanistic worldview and the pressuresplaced on the organization by multifaceted changes in the political economy and thelandscape of global governance in education have forced UNESCO to depart from itscomprehensive lifelong learning approach, while still maintaining a claim of continuity.Employing Gadamer’s (1975) concept of tradition and Bevir’s (1999; 2003)concepts of tradition and dilemma and neo-institutional theories that emphasize the roleof ideology and social meanings in explaining changes in organizations, the studyexamines the shifts that UNESCO’s educational concepts and programs have undergoneas changing actors continually renegotiated and reclaimed its humanistic tradition as areaction to the dilemmas they faced. I argue that UNESCO’s humanistic tradition hasbeen challenged by competing ideas, in particular the concept of human capital, whichpresented a dilemma for the organization, contributing to internal and external tensions.Each of the symbolic documents that are at the centre of this study – UNESCO’sconstitution, Learning to be (aka the Faure report, 1972) and Learning: The treasurewithin (aka the Delors report, 1996) – are windows into the ideological struggles carriedout at their time. They tell us a great deal not only about the beliefs and ideologies of theactors involved, but also about the “competing” ideologies with which they interacted.They further shed light on the shifting position of UNESCO in the system of internationalorganizations and multilateral development.At a time when the humanistic perspective of education has been crowded out bythe increasing marketization of education and UNESCO faces a severe existential crisis,this study contributes to the understanding not only of the intellectual history of lifelonglearning, but more broadly of the changes in educational multilateralism over the past 70years.
The point of origin for my research is my birth: I was born in the Coqualeetza Indian Hospital. I was denied contact with my mother because she had tuberculosis and was deemed contagious. Indian Hospitals were established to house Indigenous peoples to control contamination. In my mind, I was born into legislated interference. My research puzzle emerges from my encounters with what I call a lost “sense of belonging”. Through exploration, I educated myself, my community, and the public about what happens to an Indigenous person when they are removed from critical aspects of their cultural identities. As part of the journey, I weave together two methodologies that support and protect the intense emotional work that accompanies my inquiry. These are Indigenous Storywork and Narrative Inquiry. Indigenous Storywork allows me to employ important protocols that align with community-based ethics while conducting research with Indigenous communities; Narrative Inquiry, particularly autobiographical Narrative Inquiry, allows me to engage safely and relationally in deep personal reflection. I examine what it means to be Secwepemc from my and my community’s perspective as I engage with the lived-experience stories of a Secwepemc youth and Elder. I tell of my own lived experiences and share my participants’ narratives; this story-sharing highlights the importance of knowing oneself and will assist other Indigenous peoples to define their own identities. I ascertain that Indigenous Knowledge is anchored in our identities and connections to our cultural rootedness, often inspired by the cultural teachings of grandparents. My autobiographical narrative, along with the participants’ stories, identifies the importance of intergenerational knowledge transmission, familial relationships, and land-based/culture-based learnings in my Secwepemc identity study. The Secwepemc hand drum theoretically and metaphorically epitomizes Indigenous Knowledge; it ensures that my research project remains balanced in terms of upholding community protocols while honouring the Elders’/grandparents’ teachings. Rather than allow the influx of external influences to hold Indigenous peoples in a subjugated position, I propose that narrative-based research increases our advancement in research, academia, and healing. This dissertation offers an alternative way to tell our truths and to remove Indigenous histories from the periphery of mainstream society.
In the discourse on how to improve British Columbia’s secondary schools two prevailing epistemological tensions exist between two competing rationalities: (1) an instrumental rationality that privileges sense-making born out of data-gathering, and (2) a values-rationality that is discernibly more context-dependent. The seeds for public discord are sown when a particular kind of logic for capturing the complexity of any problematic is privileged over a competing (counter) logic attempting to do the same thing. The Fraser Institute proposes to the public a particular vision on how to improve secondary schools by manufacturing annual school report cards that are published in newspapers and online. Proponents of school report cards believe that school improvement is predicated on measurement, competition, market-driven reform initiatives, and choice. They support the strategies and techniques used by the Fraser Institute to demarcate the limits and boundaries of exemplary educational practice. Critics of school report cards object to the way ranking rubrics highlight and amplify differences that exist between schools. They believe that the rankings devised by the Fraser Institute rewards certain kinds of schools while statistically sanctioning others. Drawing principally on published media accounts and the Fraser Institute’s own documents this project shows how the Fraser Institute has mounted an effective public critique on the state of public secondary schools. It describes how statistical revisions made to the ranking matrix from 1998-2010 resulted in a marked redistribution of top-ranked schools in British Columbia that privileged certain kinds of private schools over public schools. School rankings designed to locate and fix their respective subjects in this way call on agents to compete for, acquire, and leverage different kinds of symbolic capital on the field of power, which they use to promote their respective political agendas. When the kinds of stories that can be told about schools become narrated through a statistical régime of truth they may negate capital disparities that exist between schools and the population of students they serve. At stake is the emancipatory belief that different kinds of schools operate to serve the diverse educational needs of different kinds of students in different kinds of ways.
This is a case study which seeks to understand how individuals achieve consensus within heterogeneous groups. The Federation of Independent School Associations in British Columbia was formed in 1966 to lobby government for recognition and funding for independent schools. FISA consists of five separate associations with different ideological and pedagogical priorities that might make achieving consensus difficult. Yet over the past forty years, unanimity on policy has been achieved on all but one occasion.This case study draws on Bourdieu's (1985) analysis of how groups develop strategies of collaboration within a social space. Jarvis (1998) also provides a paradigm on group knowledge that has been adapted to analyze the interviews that constitute part of the qualitative data in this research. Data sources included archival records, press reports, Board meeting attendance, meeting minutes, internal FISA memos, and interviews with Directors and senior government officials.The study's purpose was to determine what strategies FISA used to achieve consensus on issues relating to legislation which provided partial public funding for independent schools in BC. The conclusions suggest five organizational facets that impact FISA's consensus strategies: beliefs and values, group knowledge, external variables, personal identities and tacit learning. Foundational principles of FISA include the right to `disassociate' on specific issues. Consensus is achieved through consciously limiting the issues addressed by the organization. The diversity of FISA is considered its strength and members respect one another despite differing belief systems through conscious misunderstanding. Finally, each association has an equal voice in shaping policy.The common threat of losing public funding is a major motivator towards collaboration. Building relationships with senior government officials and elected representatives has been found effective to garner support for independent schools.This research is based on a study of one non government organization, and therefore, the results cannot be generalized to other diverse organizations, though the findings may be transferable. Further research would be warranted to determine if political or community groups function in a similar manner. The ability to deal with group diversity is important in the context of a multi-cultural society.
This study engages in a critical analysis of the lived experiences of non-Indigenous educational leaders working in Indigenous communities in the Yukon Territory, Canada. It sheds light on the epistemic and cross-cultural tensions underpinning much of the literature on educational leadership, and aims to address Walker and Dimmock’s (2000) concern that studies of comparative education have been generally absent from educational leadership and management, thereby limiting the available body of knowledge specific to culture and leadership. The study focuses on five questions: How do non-Indigenous Yukon principals construct their professional identity and their role as educational leaders? How do they construct their notions of educational leadership and practice? Given the Yukon’s distinct governance and policy contexts, how do they construct understandings of ‘indigeneity’ in relation to local Indigenous culture? How do they address the tensions arising at the juncture of policies imported from outside the Yukon and the Yukon Education Act (1990)?A critical ethnographic research approach is used to shed light upon these questions. Extensive semi-structured interviews with two male and two female participants in four Yukon schools are conducted. Detailed observations create unique ‘portraits’ of each school and their principals. Pertinent documents are also examined to provide further information and context.This examination suggests that non-Indigenous Yukon principals are caught at the center of micro (school), meso (community), and macro (government) operational and policy levels that powerfully shape their professional identities and their perceptions of their roles as principals. While referred to as ‘educational leaders’ by the extant body of literature and governments, they do not use this term in their identity constructions. Trapped betwixt and between their schools, communities, and government policies in a fragmented Yukon educational field, instead they refer to themselves in managerial and administrative ways as they juggle educational ends mandated by distinct, and somewhat competing, jurisdictions. This study presents another lens through which to examine educational leadership, and offers insights into the use of ethnographic methods as a powerful research tool. Based on these contributions, this study should be informative to current and future practitioners and scholars of education and educational leadership.
This study interrogates whose knowledge about the self and the other is represented to Iranian students in the 2004 and in selected pre-2004 editions of elementary and guidance school textbooks by analyzing how issues of identity politics, diversity, “citizenship” and development inform the construction of Iranian national identity since the introduction of various curriculum reforms (i.e.: global education) after the Revolution of 1978-79. I draw upon antiracism and transnationalism as discourses of analysis through which the West-East dichotomy is (re)evaluated and interrogated within the context of Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism and Boroujerdi’s (1996) conceptualization of “Orientalism in reverse”. I utilize deconstruction, discourse and qualitative interpretative content analyses as methods of investigating how “race”, ethnicity, social class and gender are configured in representations of sameness and difference. I “look at style, figures of speech, settings, narrative devices, historical and social circumstances, not the correctness of the representation nor its fidelity to some great original” (Said, 1978, p. 28). I argue that the ideal citizen and Iranian national identity are constructed by references to conflicting discourses of mustāżafīn (the oppressed), jīhād-i sūzandagī (the Reconstruction Jīhād), ‘ashayir (nomadic tribes), Ummat-i Islamī (Islamic Nation/Community), Īrān-dūstī (loving Iran), the Aryan migration, velayat-e-faqih and colonialism. In their discursive formations, nationalist, anti-imperialist, Islamic, middle-class and Orientalist narratives construct a homogenized Iranian citizenry who has always been active in regional/global relations of power. The ideal citizen is represented through the invocation of two types/sets of “shifting collectivities” that identify it as “white”, male, Shi’a, Aryan-Pars, progressive, independent, pious and a leader in the Islamic world. The first set divides between Shi’a-Persians and non-Shi’a and non-Persians. The second set of binary oppositions represents the ideal citizen in relation and in opposition to the West and the East in their multiple and historical forms. These textbooks are assimilationist texts that act as “border patrolling” and “stignatizing” discourses. They are also forms of “textual genocide” that exclude the voices and histories of national and global minorities and acts of discrimination committed by Iranians against women and minority religious and ethnic groups as official knowledge about friendly/enemy insiders and outsiders.
The present case study examines the anti-racism campaign Apúntate Contra el Racismo, launched by the Afro-Peruvian non-profit organization, LUNDU: Centro de Estudios y Promoción Afroperuanos, to illustrate how a marginalized group utilizes forms of activist pedagogy to call for the articulation of alternative notions of politics that promote social justice oriented national development. The study is concerned with the ways through which the meanings of public political participation are taught and the goals of development are redefined through the enactment of radical constructions of citizenship. I attempt to address: how LUNDU leaders conceive of themselves as activists and how they construct their activism in relation to discourses of education, development and participatory politics within the context of Peruvian society, how LUNDU leaders come to articulate the public pedagogy that frames the raison d’ être of the campaign and through what means LUNDU leaders leverage political power by conceiving spaces for greater visibility, participatory politics, and civic engagement towards socio-political transformation. To answer the aforementioned I employ a critical conceptual framework on development, citizenship, pedagogy and activism. I also draw on an overall anti-oppressive methodology that engages feminist standpoint perspective, personal narrative, extensive field work and data collection of varied textual and visual document sources and interviews, applied thematic analysis with a critical discourse analysis theoretical approach, and triangulation and organization of data based on the facets of activist pedagogy which this study focuses primarily on. The main case study highlights reveal the campaign impact as ‘successful’ in enacting socio-political transformation, forcing state acknowledgement of re-articulations of development and exemplifying critical modes of citizenship towards a radical participatory democracy through anti-racist and anti-patriarchal activist pedagogical campaign initiatives.
No abstract available.
This study explores how school principals in elementary settings are positioned within an education context heavily influenced by the discourses and policies of neoliberalism. By targeting principals’ decision-making on school commercialism, I analyze the impact market ideologies are having in shaping principals’ understandings of their roles and identities in public education. Using a qualitative research design, I interviewed seven elementary school principals in a school district in British Columbia, Canada. The key results of this study indicate that principals are in states of “cognitive dissonance” (Festinger, 1957) as they struggle to clarify the possible or actual impacts of school commercialism on pedagogy and the management of schools. Principals express a need for stringent regulatory district policy to monitor and control partnerships between schools and corporations. In addition, principals’ positioning towards dominant neoliberal consumer discourses is diverse as they enact and describe their decision-making on school commercialism. Thus, principals cannot be positioned as fully resistant to, or reproducing of, neoliberal consumer discourses. The majority of principals seek to make compromises between their philosophy of education and any perceived consequences with corporate involvement in their schools. I conclude that notions of critical leadership may be the impetus needed to resist discursive power contexts associated with market ideologies and neoliberal policies. I have used pseudonyms to protect the identity of the people and places involved in this study.
I examined what it means to be Secwepemc as I engaged with the lived-experience stories of three Secewpemc community members. I tell about experiences that defined our identities that have been disrupted by colonial policies and residential schools.
Instructor, Community Health Promotion for Aboriginal Communities
Vancouver Island University