Carey Doberstein

Scholars have examined how social and economic factors make local governments ineffective and contribute to environmental crises. In response to these crises, which vary from activism to advocacy, environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) have strived for environmental and social justice. Consequently, research into ENGOs has received significant attention in current literature. However, the current literature has failed to consider the role of faith-based organizations (FBOs), particularly churches, in promoting community participation and activism. Hence, by diverting the main focus from NGOs to FBOs, this thesis aims to explore the roles of churches as a faith-based organizations in developing community participation in Flint, Michigan in response to the water crisis. Employing a qualitative approach, the thesis engages in thematic analysis to understand the emerging role of churches and their effectiveness in developing community-based participation and collective political mobilization in the Flint water crisis. The research finds that churches are involved in the process and outcomes of community-based participation in Flint to various degrees. The thesis explores the implications of church involvement in facilitating desired community participation and policy outcomes and concludes by recommending further work to develop a complete picture of the role of churches in community development in Flint.

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Notwithstanding the expansion of the role, capacity and democratic legitimacy of municipal governments in modern public life in Canada, they remain vulnerable to the whims of their respective provincial governments. Smith and Spicer’s (2018) work, “The Local Autonomy of Canada’s Largest Cities”, is the first attempt within the Canadian urban politics field to quantitatively measure local autonomy in Canadian cities, drawing on previous qualitative research within Canada and international quantitative indices. Most of their measures of local autonomy are naturally suited to quantitative research (such as per capita expenditures); however, other measures are more challenging to place within a quantitative framework, prompting the opportunity for critique and refinement. My thesis argues that two of Smith and Spicer’s indicators of political autonomy are not fully supported by the literature, lack a strong theoretical narrative for their explanatory power, and are limited by the constraints of their strictly quantitative methodology. Additionally, I contend that their universality is overestimated, and that political autonomy would be captured more powerfully through an understanding of the historical context and the motivations of powerful actors in cities and provincial capitals. These two measures of political autonomy, and Smith and Spicer’s index more broadly, would benefit from additional nuance stemming from historical qualitative research which can illuminate the details, contingencies, and unique dynamics that can be lost within the requirements of quantitative research. My thesis aims to demonstrate the importance of capturing this nuance through an examination of the history of Vancouver politics vis-à-vis the BC provincial government throughout the 1930s. This historiography supports my assertion that political actors are not bound by the institutional constraints assumed by Smith and Spicer’s measures of political interconnectivity. Rather than Smith and Spicer’s assumption that politically migratory politicians will always support policy which favours municipalities, one can adopt an alternative institutionalist lens which instead assumes the careerist aspirations of Canadian politicians and how they behave when vying for political power. The presence of a political threat further contributes to this behaviour, suggesting that the index may benefit from accounting for ideological and partisan conflicts.

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The rise of modernity has been the history of urbanization, stoked by the trade of global capitalthrough worldwide financial networks. This course has led to the city's primacy as an economic,cultural, and political fixture within an interconnected world order. With the advancement ofinformation and communication technologies, we are now undergoing a radical shift in how weimagine cities from the ground up, creating an urban setting that reflects new technical systems,political arrangements, and economic priorities. Central players in this new smart city are urbansocial movements, firms specializing in surveillance, and urban regimes, negotiating rights,privileges, and expectations within an emerging network society. This thesis investigatesprecisely how urban social movements shape public policy and the development of the smartcity. This research covers the outcomes of technopolitical practices employed by networkedactors across physical and virtual terrains, contesting the balance of power between residents,firms, and public institutions. The following analysis utilizes a qualitative method with a casestudy approach, examining the public policy process in Barcelona, Spain, and Toronto, Canada.Included are examinations of literatures, original documents, and public statements by relevantparticipants in the struggle for dignity, respect, and voice. Conclusions from this inquiry paint ahopeful picture. In the race to dominate public purchase of technological infrastructure, firmshave motivated urban citizens to mobilize resources through the same information andcommunications technologies deployed, resulting in new data governance and procurementprocesses that craft an innovative revision of the smart city. Whether through co-production ofpublic policy using open-source software or centering privacy as a non-negotiable condition of business, the findings demonstrate a normative change occurring in contemporary urbandevelopment.

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