Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science (PhD)
Âhkameyihtamowin: We Rise, Mapping Indigenous Assurgency Across Turtle Island
Despite being in global demand and usually found flying around the world Sheryl is really down to earth. Her teaching style is subtle and layered; she has so much knowledge and experience but you have to LISTEN, there are no cheat sheets. She is phenomenal in her ability to groom young academics into communities and jobs where our work can contribute to meaningful change for the larger Indigenous and global communities. With each step of the PhD process, her expectations, and the opportunities she offers increase and its up to you to decide how committed you are. If you're prepared to do the work, she's got your back.
This dissertation looks at the ways settler colonization has impacted Indigenous political orders on the prairies. Settler colonization has caused a move from a previously decentralized but regionally interconnected political order to a political order where Indigenous governments hold centralized authority but without substantive forms of regional interconnectedness. Indigenous governments also have corresponding set of formal rules around citizenship that precludes any overlapping memberships. I describe the creation of discreet realms of political authority and citizenship within the prairie Indigenous political order as the rise of exclusive sovereignty. In response, I argue we need to move towards a relational sovereignty. A relational sovereignty asks us to acknowledge the pluralist forms of how Indigenous peoples create political communities and corresponding practices of relational citizenship. A pluralist understanding of communities reveals the multitude of ways Indigenous peoples political organize within, outside, and between Indigenous governments. Relational citizenship asks us to acknowledge the ways people live out obligations of kinship and care with each other between various communities. I argue one way to move toward a relational sovereignty is through a wahkohtowin movement. I discuss an example of a wahkohtowin movement within the Maskwacîs Education Schools Commission. I also outline a facilitative method I am tentatively calling relational governance that seeks to build capacity for a wahkohtowin movement. Relational governance asks Indigenous communities that are seeking to create new arrangements of governance “How do we locate responsibilities, within a relational web, based on Indigenous law?”
Norms literature assume that opponents of norms do not comply with its prescriptions, and will actively reject its’ logic patterns. While this may describe some patterns of norm contestation, actors that openly contest generally accepted norms may incur unbearable penalties. Other theories presume that a state may accept a norm’s logic patterns, but not comply as a result of an inability to comply. Evasion and avoidance present a different way of envisioning how actors may approach norms, compliance, and logic systems by delinking compliance and acceptance of normative logic. These concepts introduce opportunism as a key variable that also challenges presumptions about actor intentions. By examining the cases of doping in sport, tax law, and Indigenous rights, a pattern emerges where actors have been able to manipulate a norm’s compliance signals to technically comply with a norm while defeating the norm’s objectives. In turn, this allows actors to enjoy the benefits of non-compliance or partial compliance and compliance simultaneously, and escape detection by appearing to be compliant with the norm itself. These two concepts implicitly challenge the concept that compliance is a binary variable, and builds on a growing literature that suggests that the grey area between the poles of compliance and non-compliance may be more complex than expected.
The purpose of this study is to identify barriers faced by Aboriginals when employing voice channels for political and civic participation. This article begins with an overview of literature addressing participation paradigms. It critiques previous literature and offers a mathematical model to address the cost-benefit analysis Aboriginals face when employing various voice channels within Canada. This study is divided into two parts. Part I examines the costs to employing voice channels typically ascribed to Aboriginal participation. Part II, employs a case study of an Environmental Assessment currently underway between BC Hydro and the West Moberly First Nations. The case study applies ideas developed in Part I, highlighting barriers to Aboriginal participation. Throughout, this research examines the colonial relationship found within Canadian institutions and offers a new approach to restructure the relationship between the Crown and Aboriginal peoples.